Essay
Dark October

Dark October

Oscuro octubre

Adriana Díaz Enciso

October started badly for an afflicted Mexico, as Claudia Sheinbaum was sworn in as president on the first day of the month. We were just having some respite, thinking that, though unfortunately the Morena party won the elections, at least we’d no longer have to listen every day to one of the vilest men who have ever occupied the presidency in Mexico (a distinction which is very hard to achieve, the competition being so vast), and some of us were trying to hold on to the frail hope that Sheinbaum, despite her campaign, and despite having been the candidate imposed by Andrés Manuel López Obrador (also known as AMLO) through the classic old PRI party’s practice of the dedazo, she’d have at least a minimum of independent intellect, ethics and will, when we heard her open her speech with an extravagant exaltation of her predecessor—an exercise of glorification and praise of the supreme leader worthy of Lenin, Stalin, Mao Zedong or Kim Il-sung’s cult of personality. Sheinbaum told us that AMLO is “the most important political leader and social fighter in modern history” (please, read carefully those words again), “the most beloved president, comparable only to Lázaro Cárdenas, who started and ends his mandate with most love from his people.” The president makes such statements with no shame at all, despite the enormous discontent of those of us who didn’t vote for her party (and we are many), despite the heated criticism of the disastrous six-year term that just ended and the ceaseless polemic around the many mistakes of López Obrador’s so-called Fourth Transformation (4T).

Such an inaugural speech, in a country that is drowning in blood, is a cause of deep concern. Sadly, it also explains why Sheinbaum won the elections. Hers is populism’s most refined—or crass, we should rather say—language: sentimental, manipulative and mendacious, but irresistible for the masses.

For those of us who look for a more accurate definition of  Andrés Manuel López Obrador and his legacy, it’s better to turn to “The Trip”, a communiqué by the EZLN’s Captain Marcos:

“He had Gustavo Díaz Ordaz’s authoritarianism; the papier mâché nationalism of Luis Echeverría Álvarez, José López Portillo’s corrupt demagogy, Miguel de la Madrid’s administrative mediocrity, Carlos Salinas de Gortari’s perversity, the criminal vocation of Ernesto Zedillo, the encyclopaedic ignorance of Vicente Fox, Felipe Calderón’s militarism and short fuse, Enrique Peña Nieto’s frivolous shallowness. [. . .]  Ah, and the court of sycophants of them all.”

When, last July, the Labour party won the elections in the United Kingdom, as I commented in a recent article, Keir Starmer had the good sense of saying in his inaugural speech as rime Minister that his government would work for the whole nation, including those who didn’t vote for his party. Sheinbaum proved, on the very instant in which she assumed the presidency, being incapable of at least a gesture in that direction. With her delirious praise of López Obrador, and the dares woven throughout her speech against all of those who didn’t vote for her, she made it quite clear that she will only govern for those who did, and that, just like AMLO, she’s not willing to listen to any criticism about her performance nor to any opinion contrary to her own; that what is coming is another six years of deafness from the presidential seat. “You’re either with me, or you’re not at all”. That’s what she told us. Her anaemic “I will govern for everybody” right at the end of her speech loses all credibility after her repeated discrediting of whoever may dare cast any doubt, after six years of disastrous evidence, on the Fourth Transformation’s grandiosity.

“Let’s accept it”, this woman tells us: “we´ve all had it better”, after several paragraphs that paint a Disneyland image of Mexico. Surely she’s not including among her audience the thousands and thousands of victims of murder, including feminicide, nor the disappeared, nor their relatives and friends, nor all the men and women who have suffered from extorsion at the hands of organized crime during the past six years. Because they didn’t have it better. And the dead won’t have it any way anymore, ever again.

After that she repeats that Morena slogan that sounds so pretty: “For everybody’s sake, the poor come first”. Yes, the same poor that López Obrador referred to in one of his many extraordinary outbursts, of which it’s hard to know whether they’re sheer cynicism or sheer stupidity, during one of his “Mañaneras”, as he calls his morning press conferences, when he declared a year ago, with not a hint of shame, that he “helped” the poor because that way he was “playing it safe”, since they would support him and he’d have them on his side. That is, he didn’t consider that a government has the obligation of eradicating inequality and poverty, independently of the citizens’ political affiliations, rather than giving paternalist “help”, in Mexico also a product of the Priist school, in order to use the poor as –these are his own words– political strategy. AMLO told us this to our face: “I use the poor”. Sheinbaum repeats the slogan, and we can have no doubt that she will repeat the practice as well.

The brand-new president also talked in her speech about “moral authority” in regard to the Fourth Transformation, of which AMLO was the sad leader up to last month. Moral authority, in López Obrador? Mexico has probably never seen a president with least possession of such a virtue than this delirious, vulgar and cynical man, swollen with delusions of grandeur, who during his nefarious Mañaneras laughed over and over at the victims of violence or minimized their tragedy, who during his whole term treated both victims and their relatives with olympic contempt, who embarked on a war of insults and lies against intellectuals, journalists, artists and the National Autonomous University of Mexico, who publicly pointed at and exposed his critics as if they were enemies, including journalists, stirring up hatred against them, when Mexico is one of the countries where being a journalist is most dangerous and they are relentlessly murdered.

Sheinbaum herself shows little moral authority, praising her ignoble predecessor like this, and it’s scant again when she warns us: “Anyone who says that there will be authoritarianism is lying”. It’s exactly AMLO’s discourse, the same discrediting strategy: “Whover criticizes us, whoever challenges our discourse, is a liar, and we’ll ignore them.”

And did you notice that, among the list of projects for her government, the president doesn’t mention culture at any point? Culture—what her predecessor tried so hard to destroy, with that contempt born from his narcissism, his ignorance, his hatred against independent and critical thought, and the fear of intelligence that he showed during his whole term, bathing his critics, intellectuals and artists in insults and in his puerile epithets (conservatives, fifís, neoliberals). For Sheinbaum, if we are to listen to her speech, culture in Mexico simply does not exist, which is a great cause of alarm. History has demonstrated over and over that all totalitarian regimes, whatever their political orientation, strikes against culture and freedom of thought, considered the most lethal weapon against them. AMLO tried to squash culture (he failed, despite all the damage he caused), and Sheinbaum doesn’t even mention it among her government plans. She just parrots the discourse that “Mexico’s cultural greatness lies in the great civilizations that lived on this land centuries before the Spanish invasion”, because, just like López Obrador before her, she doesn’t seem to have noticed that she’s the president of Mexico, and not Tenochtitlan’s tlatoani. It seems that, for Morena, there hasn’t been any culture in Mexico since 1521, and therefore it isn’t worth bothering to integrate in their vision of the country anything that has taken place in this field during the last 500 years. Unless, of course, it’s a “cultural revolution”, China-style, so dear to the 4T. It suffices, as an example, to look at what they’ve done to the Fondo de Cultura Económica.

And how to believe in the president’s promises, some of them rather positive, when they are inserted in a triumphalist speech that doesn’t mention at all any of the severe problems that trouble Mexican society? How, if as an example of positive change, she mentions the infamous constitutional reform to the judiciary “that establishes the election via popular vote of judges, magistrates and ministers”, an abysmal retrogression in the administration of justice in a country where justice is already hardly ever attained, and where it was abjectly absent during López Obrador’s mandate? How to believe her, if among those promises that sound so nice she includes that of expanding the Maya Train, which has had such disastrous results for the area’s environment, and the construction of which meant silencing the voice of the local population who opposed the project?

In her speech, Sheinbaum went through a roll call of the heroes of Mexican history, of whom López Obrador would supposedly be an heir. The enumeration reaches our recent history, including the 1968 students. However, the forgetful president made no mention whatsoever of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN), the only truly significant transformation that Mexico has seen since it took up arms in 1994. It’s not an insignificant thing to forget: not even the Zapatista’s adversaries can deny that the 1st of January 1994 triggered a radical change in the country, which made it impossible to go on ignoring the reality of the Indigenous peoples of Mexico. How to believe, then, that her government “will realize” the contents of the constitutional reform that “gives full rights to the Indigenous and Afro-Mexican peoples of Mexico”? In the Mexican government’s webpage, we can find several texts which claim that this reform observes the San Andrés Agreements between the EZLN and the federal government, betrayed by every government that Mexico has suffered since they were signed in 1996. Sheinbaum doesn’t mention them, and given her predecessor’s performance, I think that the concern about that reform remaining dead letter, and that in practice, in the old Priist style, only those indigenous communities that support the ruling party will be favoured, is legitimate. After all, we know that during AMLO’s term the National Ministry of Defence spied constantly on the EZLN and their communities, considering them antagonists, and also as a response to both the Zapatista’s inconvenient protests against the Maya Train project and their clear criticism of López Obrador’s government.

I don’t think I can be accused of being pessimistic if we set Sheinbaum’s promises against the country’s reality, of which, if her speech is anything to go by, she seems to be completely ignorant. For example, in regard to the desperately urgent theme of violence, which should be her priority, all that Sheinbaum does is repeat AMLO’s discourse. She tells us:

“In what concerns security, we guarantee the decrease of high impact crimes.” How? She doesn’t say. Her speech is just verbiage: “Calderon’s irresponsible war against the narco won’t return. [. . .] Our conviction is that security and peace are the fruit of justice”, and she adds, as objectives: “To attend the causes, and zero impunity.”

But in Mexico, as we have already seen, justice is conspicuous by its absence. A shocking percentage of the crimes that have become the country’s bitter daily bread never find justice. What reigns is the most absolute impunity.

Sheinbaum dodges this gruesome reality and doesn’t mention any plan to change it. Instead, she talks a lot about the “attention to the causes, always offering the possibility that the Mexican youth have access to every right.” Of course, it would be praiseworthy to offer to the whole of the Mexican young fair, equitable and real options of a future so that they don’t fall in the grip of organized crime. If Sheinbaum’s government achieves this change, we will acknowledge it gladly. The problem is that, in her speech, she ignores the presence of the organized crime that is already a fact, with more and more control all over the national territory; she doesn’t mention the existence of the drug cartels, nor the bloodbath that is, unfortunately, the only thing that at this point makes Mexico “colourful”. How is it possible that, in her inaugural speech, she doesn’t have a single word to say about how her government pretends to tackle this situation? May it be because she has no intention to do so? What better way to show her fidelity to López Obrador, whose government protected the narco from the start to the end of his term?

Sheinbaum’s “National Security Strategy”, made public a few days later, doesn’t go much further. It’s still circumlocution and vagueness. Recently Héctor de Mauleón published in Sonora Presente an article that is worth reading, even if it makes our blood run cold. There, he talks about the balance of Claudia Sheinbaum’s first seven days in government: 566 murders. The president, however, has no project at all to stand up to violence, nor time to talk about it.

Instead of that, she devotes several paragraphs to talk about the wonderful historical triumph of having a woman in the presidential seat. In abstract, sure, it is an achievement (it would have been so even if she had lost the elections, since the two strongest candidates were both women). But gender on its own says nothing. If Sheinbaum’s government project is the continuation of the disaster, cynicism and lies of her predecessor’s, it’s the same whether the president is a man, a woman, dog or cat.

And her speech leaves no room for doubts: it will be that continuation.

Drunk with triumphalism and adulation, the president talks about López Obrador as Mexico’s most beloved president. It depends on which portion of the people you ask. For instance, there wasn’t much love in the Ayotzinapa students and relatives of the 43 students who were forcefully disappeared in 2014 who knocked down the door of the Palacio Nacional in March this year, fed up with the president’s indifference and contempt.

But Sheinbaum doesn’t see any of this. “Mexico is a wonderful country”, she states, to then add that Mexico, among other attributes, enjoys that of having a “happy” people. Happy! When the murder victims every year add up to tens of thousands, and there are more than a hundred thousand disappeared persons (about half of them disappeared during AMLO’s term), whose families —mostly their mothers— look for them in mass graves with their own hands, following sinister trails, in the absence of government’s support, and when there’s no justice for any of these victims, in a country where all that reigns is impunity and terror.

To say that Mexico’s is a happy people, and that under Morena’s government during the last term we’ve all had it better, denying the bloodbath, grief, fear and impotence, is an obscenity. It is, therefore, with an obscenity that Claudia Sheinbaum’s mandate as the first female president of Mexico is begun.

*Foto de 1983 (steal my _ _ art) en Unsplash

Adriana Díaz-Enciso es poeta, narradora y traductora. Ha publicado las novelas La sedPuente del cieloOdio y Ciudad doliente de Dios, inspirada en los Poemas proféticos de William Blake; los libros de relatos Cuentos de fantasmas y otras mentiras y Con tu corazón y otros cuentos, y seis libros de poesía. Su más reciente publicación, Flint (una elegía y diario de sueños, escrita en inglés) puede encontrarse aquí.

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